Wacker said tension is constant as the country tries to maintain a balance between ideals and needs. An associate professor of the history of religion in America, Wacker noted that the Commonwealth of Massachusetts was founded on the high ideals of Puritanism, yet lost sight of those ideals when it executed 20 people for witchcraft and on other occasions when it slaughtered American Indians. Early Quakers in Rhode Island, New Jersey and Pennsylvania also found that the need for civil order and protection made their pacifist and egalitarian ideals difficult to maintain.
Historians can explain such contradictory scenarios, he said, but the danger comes in legitimizing such actions through explanation. Those who see Sept. Running time 1 hour 36 minutes. A standing-room-only crowd of more than came to the Terry Sanford Institute of Public Policy to listen to panelists. John French , associate professor of history and an expert on police behavior and ideology. Bruce W.
Jentleson , Sanford Institute director, professor of public policy studies and political science and former foreign policy adviser to former Vice President Al Gore. Robert O. Keohane , James B. Duke Professor of Political Science and a leading international relations scholar. Michael Munger , professor and chair of political science, moderated the panel. The terrorist threat to the United States should be neither underestimated nor overestimated, Jentleson said. Instead, it must be understood and the United States must develop a multifaceted strategy that addresses both the immediate issue of the attacks and the longer-term foreign policy issues.
The strategy must involve four elements: preparation, prevention, protection and punishment. And, he noted, "We must not oppose a policy just because we did not or do not politically support the president. Audience members and panelists alike disagreed on how the United States should respond to the attacks. French cautioned against "embarking on an ill-defined and open-ended 'war on terrorism,'" and instead recommended treating the attacks as "a law enforcement problem.
Morris questioned that approach, noting that, "we have just completed prosecution" in the first World Trade Center bombing and few would consider that effort completely successful. Keohane emphasized that the United States has a clear moral right to self-defense, and a clear legal right to self-defense under Article 51 of the U. The United States should build a broad coalition to focus on a "narrowly defined target - the bin Laden organization and the Taliban regime," and it is "imperative that this struggle not be seen as the West vs. Islam or the Arab states. Jentleson , director of the Terry Sanford Institute of Public Policy, and Christopher Schroeder , professor of law and public policy studies, discussed foreign policy and domestic legal issues raised by the attack.
Two members of North Carolina's congressional delegation, Robin Hayes and David Price , discussed topics to be taken up by Congress in during a public forum moderated by Bruce W. Hayes, a Republican who represents the state's 8th congressional district, and Price, a Democrat and Duke faculty member who represents the state's 4th district, touched on a wide range of issues, from Medicare and campaign finance to the nation's response to the attacks of Sept.
Robert W. Jordan , U. Ambassador to Saudi Arabia, said "the world has gotten a lot smaller for all of us" during a public lecture in the Fleishman Commons at the Terry Sanford Institute of Public Policy. Jordan said the Saudis "were among the first to call" the United States, offering assistance after the terrorist attacks, including access to additional petroleum reserves to prevent any disruption in supply. He also emphasized the country's strategic importance to the U.
The War on Terrorism: Implications for U.S. Foreign Policy
Jordan has several Duke ties: he received his bachelor's degree in political science from the university, and his son, Peter, graduated from Duke in and is a Hart Fellow working with the Christian Children's Fund in Kenya. Congressman Gregory W.
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He raised concerns about the Bush administration's defense budget and "tax cuts to the rich," and urged universities like Duke and public policy programs like the Terry Sanford Institute to be active and involved. Meeks described Black History Month as "an antidote to terrorism" because it is "predicated on hope, not hopelessness. He also serves on the International Relations Committee and its subcommittee on Africa, and the subcommittee on East Asia and the Pacific.
Kristol said Bush had "risen to the challenge" and "grasped the nettle of the challenge for his generation" in his talk, which was sponsored by the Freeman Center for Jewish Life.
A Timeline of the U.S.-Led War on Terror
I would err on the side of being more aggressive, not less. Leonard Downie Jr. News coverage of the Sept. Such coverage, unfortunately, "is not typical of American media," who often have "cynically underestimated America's need for good journalism" in recent years, he said. Sanford Institute Director Bruce W.
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Jentleson served as moderator. Jeremy Greenstock , British Ambassador to the United Nations, told more than students and faculty at the Terry Sanford Institute of Public Policy that the United States had done a good job, to date, balancing absolute moral principles and political concerns in responding to the Sept. President Bush's labeling of Iran, Iraq and North Korea as an "axis of evil" should be seen as an appropriate warning and was "a deliberate lever being pulled to underline a policy being advanced," Greenstock added. Karsten D. For the transatlantic community, "September 11 demonstrated that security issues will continue to play an important role in the Euro-Atlantic community.
Voigt emphasized the importance of a strong European-North American partnership. International journalists spoke about patriotism in the media in the aftermath of the events of September 11 as part of an open forum sponsored by Exploris, an interactive museum in Raleigh, N. The journalists, participating in the Media Fellows Program at the Terry Sanford Institute of Public Policy's DeWitt Wallace Center for Communications and Journalism, discussed their views on how patriotism is expressed in their respective countries and how it relates to the identity of the journalist.
Trump should remember the war on terror despite Islamic State's losses
TV in Johannesburg, South Africa. Pavitt's talk was part of a two-day conference on national security. Other speakers included: Joel H. Schroeder , the Charles S. Moderator Larry Moneta , Vice President for Student Affairs, opened the discussion by noting that part of the university's role is to "analyze, debate and educate.
Seltzer and Waheed began their remarks with greetings of peace, encouraging members of the Duke community to grow and learn from each other. Professors Jentleson, Miller and Moosa addressed different aspects of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, including its history and its leaders, and U. Panelists and audience members disagreed frequently on how to characterize the issues, but several acknowledged a "common thread of humanity" that makes ending the violence and restarting the peace process critical both to the safety and security of the region and to that of the greater global community.
Duke Responds to Terrorism: Reflecting on September 11 The following page was created to capture a sample of the wide discussion and broad range of views shared by members of the Duke community in the wake of September Information on upcoming academic forums and and video archives of past events.
Online materials recommended by forum panelists and Duke University library staff. Faculty Viewpoints Duke faculty comment on the Sept. Wednesday Feb. Stopford: Chemical Terrorism. Video of this concert is available in RealVideo format.
To learn more about our methodology, click here. For history prior to January , click here. Rasmussen Reports. If it's in the News, it's in our Polls. Public opinion polling since Facebook Twitter Email this. They also, however, include ideological, sectarian and religious divisions and tensions, and ethnic, racial, tribal, and nationality divisions — all often involving major aspects of discrimination by a given government.
At the same time, as the World Bank, IMF, UNDP, and Arab Development reports have shown, they include poor to terrible governance, failed rule of law, corruption, poor development and income, and population pressure and unemployment — often all interacting in the same country or state. Afghanistan Iraq, Syria, Somalia, Pakistan, Libya, Yemen, the Sudan are all examples of failed states with broad ranging causes of internal dissent and violence.
While terrorism and extreme violence can never be justified in ethical or moral terms, no strategy that attempts to deal with terrorism can be successful that not recognize the nature and seriousness of its causes. Addressing these problems is not the responsibility of counterterrorism experts in the narrowest sense of the term, but fighting half a war is a good way to lose one. The U.
Like far too many other states, this means it only has half a strategy, and has taken a largely "hole" in government approach to counterterrorism. While the U. This has limited terrorist and extremist gains in the cases where the U. As in Vietnam, however, it is far from clear that U. This has led to a situation where an increasing number of U. They increasingly are seeking ways to end or sharply reduce the U.
The practical problem, however, is that simply reducing the U. Even full military success does not address the causes of extremism and internal violence, prevent rise or renewal of violence or terrorism, or ensure any form of lasting peace. Losing by leaving will also inevitably make things worse — at least in the country involved. That rate could be far higher for peace settlements in countries where the terrorist movement appears to be contained or defeated, but all of the causes of internal violence remain.
The same is true of leaving massive divisions and tensions along sectarian, ethnic, tribal, and regional lines that are almost inevitably compounded by past fighting, failed efforts at recovery and rebuilding, and a decline in development during the years of major terrorism or war. More than that, Petraeus's question needs to be modified to "Why does this war end? The data on the trend lines in global and regional terrorism and extremism that follow show that our current wars largely affect three key movements in three countries in a world where this represents a small portion of the total levels of terrorism and extremism.
The data on Afghanistan are anything but reassuring after seventeen years of war. Fifteen years later, we are no closer to an answer than we were then in Iraq, and we seem to have empowered an unstable "victory" by Assad's state terrorism in in Syria.
The purpose of war is never to simply win military victories. The grand strategic purpose of any form of war should be to shape a peace that serves the lasting strategic objectives of the nation that fights it.